Failure
Is Impossible!
A worship service
celebrating the 75th anniversary of the passage of the 19th amendment
to the Constitution of the United States, granting women the right to
vote.
Created by
Sarah Barber-Braun and Joan Goodwin
The
Unitarian Universalist Women’s Heritage Society
General
Assembly of the Unitarian Universalist Association
Spokane,
Washington -- June 15, 1995
Hymnbook used: Singing
the Living Tradition
Musical Prelude
Opening Words to
be Read in Unison:
In
the administration of a state,
neither
a woman as a woman,
nor
a man as a man,
has
any special function,
but
the gifts are equally diffused in both sexes.
One
woman has the gifts of healing,
another
not;
one
is a musician,
another
not a musician;
one
woman is a philosopher,
and
another is an enemy to philosophy.
The
same education and opportunity for self-development
which
makes man a good guardian or ruler
will
make woman a good guardian or ruler; f
or
their original nature is the same.
(from
Plato’s Republic, Book V - included by Harriet H.
Robinson in her Massachusetts in the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1881)
Chalice Lighting
Take from the past not
its ashes but its fire - Anonymous
Hymn #107 - Now
Sing We of the Brave of Old
Narrator: In
1848, in full agreement with Plato, 300 people gathered at Seneca
Falls, New York. A small ad announcing the convention was placed in
the newspaper. ( Susan B. Anthony was in nearby Rochester, teaching
school. She did not see the ad.) The gathering was the consequence of
a friendship begun in 1840 in London at the World Anti-Slavery
Convention, between the bride of a delegate and Lucretia Mott.
Lucretia Mott, an American Quaker delegate, was denied a seat. None
of the women delegates were seated. The bride, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, and Lucretia Mott sat together in the gallery.
Lucretia Mott and
Elizabeth Cady Stanton were the organizing energy for this new
convention. The Seneca Falls Convention issued a new Declaration of
Sentiments, modeled on the 1776 Declaration of Independence which, in
spite of the admonition of Abigail Adams, had left the women out. The
Declaration of Sentiments began:
We
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men and women are
created equal; ... Such has been the patient sufferance of the women
under this government, and such is now the necessity which constrains
them to demand the equal station to which they are entitled.
In
entering upon the great work before us, we anticipate no small amount
of misconception, misrepresentation, and ridicule; but we shall use
every instrumentality within our power to effect our object. We shall
employ agents, circulate tracts, petition the State and national
Legislatures, and endeavor to enlist the pulpit and the press in our
behalf. We hope this Convention will be followed by a series of
Conventions, embracing every part of the country.1
Other women’s
rights conventions did follow. In Cincinnati, Ohio, 1855, Lucy Stone
spoke out.
Lucy Stone: The
question of Woman’s Rights is a practical one. The notion has
prevailed that it was only an ephemeral idea; that it was but women
claiming the right to smoke cigars in the streets, and to frequent
bar-rooms. Others have supposed it a question of comparative
intellect; others still, of sphere. Too much has already been said
and written about woman’s sphere. Trace all the doctrines to
their source and they will be found to have no basis except in the
usages and prejudices of the age. ... Leave women, then, to find
their sphere. And do not tell us before we are born even, that our
province is to cook dinners, darn stockings, and sew on buttons.2
Narrator: A
remarkable partnership was formed in the 1850s between Elizabeth Cady
Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. (Stanton and Anthony both rise.) As
Mrs. Stanton wrote:
Elizabeth Cady
Stanton (to audience): In thought and sympathy we were one, and
in division of labor we exactly complemented one another. I am the
better writer; she the better critic. She supplied the facts and
statistics; I, the philosophy and rhetoric ... Night after night, by
an old fashioned fireplace we plotted and planned the coming
agitation; how, when and where each entering wedge could be driven.3
(to Susan B. Anthony): I will gladly do all in my power to help you.
Come and stay with me and I will write the best lecture I can for
you. I have no doubt a little practice will render you an admirable
speaker. Dress loosely, take a great deal of exercise, be particular
about your diet, and sleep enough. The body has great influence upon
the mind. In your meetings, if attacked, be cool and good natured,
for if you are simple and truth-loving, no sophistry can confound
you.4
Susan B. Anthony
(to Elizabeth Cady Stanton): Not a word written on that Address for
Teacher’s Convention. ... and what is worse, as the Lord knows
full well, is, if I get all the time the world has, I can’t get
up a decent document. So, for the love of me and for the saving of
the reputation of womanhood, I beg you, with one baby on your knee
and another at your feet, and four boys whistling, buzzing, hallooing
Ma, Ma, set yourself about the work. ... don’t say No nor don’t
delay it a moment; for I must have it all done and almost commit it
to memory ... Now, I do pray you, give heed to my prayer. Those of
you who have the talent to do honor to poor — oh! how poor —
womanhood, have all given yourself over to baby-making; and left poor
brainless me to do battle alone. It is a shame.5
Elizabeth Cady
Stanton (to Susan B. Anthony): Say not one word to me about
another convention. I forbid you to ask me to send one thought or one
line to any convention, any paper or any individual; for I swear by
all the saints that whilst I am nursing this baby I will not be
tormented with suffering humanity.
Imagine me, day in and
day out, watching, bathing, dressing, nursing, and promenading the
precious contents of a little crib in the corner of the room. ... I
will do what I can to help you with your lecture.. You need rest too,
Susan. Let the world alone awhile. We cannot bring about a moral
revolution in a day or year. Now that I have two daughters, I feel
fresh strength to work. It is not in vain that in myself I have
experienced all the wearisome cares to which woman in her best estate
is subject.
I will try and find
time to grind out what you say must be done. In the past, we have
issued all kinds of bulls under all kinds of circumstances, and I
think we can still do more in that line if you must make the pudding
and carry the baby while I ply the pen.6
Narrator: The
women spoke out for the abolition of slavery as well as for their own
rights, and they were encouraged to think that, once the Civil War
was over and the slaves freed, the vote would be granted to them as
well. However, the 14th and 15th amendments would enfranchise only
the freed black men, not the women. Now the struggle went state by
state as woman suffrage appeared on the ballot. Kansas was a primary
battleground in 1867. Lucy Stone and her husband, Henry Blackwell
campaigned to the point of exhaustion. To replace them, a spirked
young Universalist minister, Olympia Brown, was recruited to leave
her congregation in Weymouth Massachusetts and go to Kansas.
The Border Sentinel,
Mound City Kansas, described Olympia Brown as follows:
With
her talent and education, the Rev. Olympia Brown has great physical
power of endurance, lately speaking two or three times each day in
hottest weather, traveling from twenty to fifty miles each day with
only an average of about four hours sleep, and her speeches from one
to two hours in length, without apparently the least fatigue, and
weighing only ninety-one pounds. Eloquent, hopeful and brave, with
religion as the basis of all her actions, and piety her leading
trait, she is the best pleader for woman that we have yet seen before
the public.7
Women’s suffrage
was defeated in Kansas, but Susan B. Anthony, eternal optimist, wrote
to Olympia Brown: “Never was so grand a success — never
was defeat so glorious a victory. ... But don’t despair. We
shall win. The day breaks. The eastern sky is red.”8
Hymn #157 - Step
by Step the Longest March
Narrator: The
following year, 1868, saw the passage of the 14th amendment, granting
privileges of citizenship to all recently emancipated African
American men. Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, an African American who
had fought for women’s suffrage as well as abolition realized
that — at least for the moment — women would have to
wield their influence through the men. She described the way women
might do this in a poem.
Frances Ellen
Watkins Harper:
You’d
laugh to see Lucinda Grange
Upon
her husband’s track.
When
he sold his vote for rations,
She
made him take ‘em back.
Day
after day did Milly Green
Just
follow after Joe,
And
told him if he voted wrong,
To
take his rags and go.
I
think that Colonel Johnson said
His
side had won the day,
Had
not we women radicals
Just
got right in the way.9
Narrator In
1872, Susan B. Anthony made so bold as to go to the polls in
Rochester, New York, to vote. Miss Anthony was arrested, taken to the
city jail, and later charged with a fine which she refused to pay.
She spoke out strongly in defense of her right as a citizen.
Susan B. Anthony:
I stand before you under indictment for the alleged crime of having
voted at the last presidential election, without having a lawful
right to vote. It shall be my work this evening to prove to you that
in thus doing, I not only committed no crime, but instead simply
exercised my citizen’s rights, guaranteed to me and all United
States citizens by the National Constitution beyond the power of any
State to deny.
It was we, the people,
not we, the white male citizens, nor we, the male citizens; but we,
the whole people, who formed this Union. We formed it not to give the
blessings of liberty but to secure them; not to the half of ourselves
and the half of our posterity, but to the whole people — women
as well as men. It is downright mockery to talk to women of their
enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the only
means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican
government — the ballot.
Though the words
persons, people, inhabitants, electors, citizens, are all used
indiscriminately in the national and State constitutions, there was
always a conflict of opinion, prior to the war, as to whether they
were synonymous terms, but whatever room there was for doubt, under
the old regime, the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment settled that
question forever in its first sentence:
All
persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the
jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States, and of the
State wherein they reside.
The only question left
to be settled now is: Are women persons? I scarcely believe any of
our opponents will have the hardihood to say they are not. Being
persons, then, women are citizens, and no State has a right to make
any new law, or to enforce any old law, which shall abridge their
privileges or immunities. Hence, every discrimination against women
in the constitutions and laws of the several States is today null and
void, precisely as is every one against negroes.
We no longer petition
legislature or Congress to give us the right to vote, but appeal to
women everywhere to exercise their too long neglected “citizen’s
right.” ... It is on this line that we propose to fight our
battle for the ballot — peaceably but nevertheless persistently
— until we achieve complete triumph and all United States
citizens, men and women alike, are recognized as equals in the
government.10
Narrator: A note
of weariness began to creep through the women’s brave words as
they continued to stump the nation, encountering the same old
opposition year after year. Here is what Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
wrote to a friend in 1879:
Elizabeth Cady
Stanton: I have been wandering, wandering ... up early and late;
sleepy and disgusted with my profession, as there is no rest from the
time the season begins until it ends. Two months more, containing 61
days, still stretch their long length before me. I must pack and
unpack my trunk 61 times; pull out the black silk trail and don it;
puff my hair and pin on the illusion ruffling round my spacious
throat, 61 more times; ... eat 183 more miserable meals; sleep
between cotton sheets under these detestable things called
“comforters” — tormentors would be a more fitting
name —61 more nights; shake hands with 61 more committees,
smile, try to look intelligent and interested in everyone who
approaches me, while I feel like a squeezed sponge; and endeavor to
affect a little spring and briskness in my gait on landing in each
town in order to avoid giving an impression that I am 70, when in
reality I feel more like crawling than walking •11
Narrator:
Sixteen years later, in 1895, Julia Ward Howe addressed the Equal
Suffrage Association.
Julia Ward Howe:
My Dear Friends: Once more you are called together in the name of a
reform for which we and many others have labored and suffered through
many years of hope deferred. ... I suppose that at the outset few of
the suffrage workers foresaw either the lerigth of the campaign or
the breadth of ground which they would be called upon to occupy. In
return for our patient maintenance of the peaceable contest, we have
had the great instruction of learning how deeply our cause inheres in
that of human freedom. ... It is good for us to know that in seeking
our rights we are seeking to forward the most vital interests of the
community, which are placed in jeopardy by being withdrawn from the
tender and watchful guardianship of the mothers, sisters and
daughters of mankind.
In our own immediate
domain we meet with many discouraging circumstances, and yet are
cheered by indications of the progress, slow indeed, of the cause
which we advocate. •• 12
Procession
(Music: The Battle Hymn of the Republic)
Eleven women, each
identified with the name of one of the 10 suffrage states plus the
Alaska territory, move forward carrying among them a large U.S. flag
(preferably one with 48 stars). The states are Wyoming, Colorado,
Idaho, Utah, Washington, California, Oregon, Arizona, Kansas, and
Illinois.
Narrator (during
procession) : Gradually, state by state, women were granted the vote.
By 1914 ten states plus the territory of Alaska had passed women’s
suffrage. In Montana the suffrage campaign was spurred by a dramatic
parade. Thousands of men and women from all parts of the state
marched. A huge American flag was carried by women representing the
ten states plus the territory of Alaska which already had full
suffrage. A yellow banner identified states involved in campaigns, a
gray one for partial-suffrage states, and a black banner for
non-suffrage states. That year women won the vote in Montana, the
11th state to grant suffrage. 13 (after procession ends) : Another
suffrage parade was held in New York City. Elizabeth Padgham,
Unitarian minister in Rutherford, New Jersey, planned to march.
Elizabeth Padgham:
When the first Suffrage parade was being planned in New York City I
naturally was going to march with the Smith College Unit. I did not
keep it a secret but thought little of it as affecting the church.
However, it dawned on me that whenever I entered the room where the
Alliance members were to hold a meeting the busy chatting would stop
as I came into sight. Being at first a bit stupid, it didn’t
come to me that they were discussing my parading. Finally, a group of
the women came to visit and told me that I would disgrace the church
if I marched in the Suffrage parade. The “disgrace” was
said to be a quotation from one of the husbands. I felt sure they
thought it would have more weight with me if a man said it. I told
them I thought in time to come the church would be proud to know
their minister was broad enough to walk in the first suffrage parade.
In the back of my mind, I was thinking I would be asked to resign,
but I wouldn’t back down even then. I did march, and the affair
was never brought up again.’4
Narrator: The
final phase of the movement took place during the first World War
with Woodrow Wilson, outspoken opponent of women’s suffrage, in
the White House. A new Woman’s Party, led by Alice Paul, took
to the streets. Hundreds of women marched and picketed the White
House throughout the bitter cold winter of 1917. They were arrested,
imprisoned, and mistreated. Their action was very controversial, even
within the ranls of suifragists. One of the pickets was Olympia
Brown, then 82 years old.
Olympia Brown:
The ballot is founded on the Declaration of Independence and based on
democracy. The pickets are not hurting the cause of suffrage. They
are not criticizing the president as so many people seem to believe,
but are merely quoting him. ... The women who have been arrested and
sentenced to the workhouse are highly intelligent and prominent
women...those who took part in the hunger strike are from prominent
families. When the newspapers reported that they were being
physically force-fed and confined to cells without
ventilation...people demanded Congress start an investigation.
President Wilson knew about the workhouse conditions but refused to
do anything about them. We believe it is inconsistent to carry on a
war in the interests of democracy abroad when we have no democracy at
home.
We cannot say that the
United States is a democracy as long as women cannot vote. We are
being asked to give up our suffrage work until the war is over. Women
were asked to do this same thing during the Civil War. They were told
that as soon as the war was over and the Negro enfranchised, they
would be given the ballot. But that did not happen. Instead, they
were ridiculed for wanting to vote and we still do not have the
ballot. We are being asked to do the same thing in 1917. We cannot
afford to let the subject go by this time. If we do, women will have
to begin the fight all over again. So much work and so much money has
gone into the effort that it must be carried through.15
Narrator:
Olympia Brown was one of the very few women of that first generation
of suffragists who lived to see the final ratification of the woman
suffrage amendment on August 26, 1920. A few days later, she told her
congregation at the Universalist Church in Racine, Wisconsin, “It
is worth a lifetime to behold the victory.”6
Many of our foremothers
were among the first women to vote. I invite you to call out the
names of the women who were, as far as you know, the first in your
family to cast a ballot.
Naming of
foremothers
Hymn # 109 - As
We Come Marching, Marching
Closing Words
Narrator: On
November 2, 1920, Alice Stone Blackwell, wrote to 92-year old
Universalist minister Phebe Hanaford: “Dear Mrs. Hanaford: It
gives me real pleasure today to think that you will be voting —
although you have had that privilege since 1917, while I exercise it
today for the first time. But in thinking of the women to whom we owe
it, you come to my mind, and my grateful thoughts go out to you.
Cordially, Alice Stone Blackwell”17
Alice Stone Blackweil
was the daughter of Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell, who lived and
worked her entire life within suffrage, truly, a “suffrage
daughter.”
Although Susan B.
Anthony did not live to behold the victory, she kept the faith to the
end. Her last words were “Failure is impossible!” She was
right.
Musical Postlude
Note: With one possible
exception, all women quoted in the service were Unitarian or
Universalist. The exception, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, was most
certainly a kindred spirit, and her descendents believe she had
become a Unitarian by the end of her life.
1 Diane Ravitch, ed.,
The American Reader (New York: Harper Collins,
1990), 83-84
2 Ibid, 95
3 Mary-Ella Hoist, An
Exploration of the Friendship of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.
Anthony (Boston: Unitarian Universalist Historical Society,
1987), 5-6
4 Theodore Stanton and
Harriet Stanton Biatch, eds., Elizabeth Cady Stanton as Revealed
in her letters. Diary, and Reminiscences (New York: Harper and
Bros., 1922), 40
5. Ellen Carol DuBois,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton/Susan B. Anthony:
Correspondence.
Writings, and Speeches (New York: Slocken Books, 1981) 61-62
6 Stanton and Blatch,
50
7. Charlotte Cote,
Olymi,ia Brown: The Battle for Equality (Racine: Mother Courage
Press, 1988), 89
8 Ibid., 92
9 Frances Smith Foster,
ed. A Brighter Coming Day: A Frances Ellen Watkins Harner Reader (New
York: The Feminist Press of the City University of New York, 1990),
204
10 Ravitch, 160-164
11 Stanton and Blatch,
159-160
12 Florence Howe Hall,
Julia Ward Howe and the Women Suffrage Movement (Boston: Dana, Estes,
and Co., 1913), 212-214
13 Description from Ida
Husted Harper, History of Women Suffrage (New York: Arno, The New
York Times, 1909),VI, 366-367
14 Elizabeth Padgham,
“Elizabeth Padgham - Minister”, handwritten
autobiographical note, n.d., Padghani file, Unitarian Universalist
Archives, Andover - Harvard Library, Cambridge, MA, 16
15 Cote, 160-161
16 Ibid., 193
17 ALS Alice Stone
Blackwell to Phebe A. Hanaford, Nov. 2, 1920. Phebe Ann Coffin
Hanaford Papers, 1848 - 1927, Nantucket Historical Association,
Nantucket, MA.
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